As high as expected: interactions between negation and llegar y + finite verb multiverb constructions
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- Matías Jaque+−
- Carlos González+−
- Verónica Orqueda+−
- Silvana Guerrero+−
- Felipe Hasler+−
- Magdalena Covarrubias+−
Abstract
This work addresses the relation between negation and finite coordinate multi-verb constructions (CMVFC), like llega y me grita ‘he goes and shout at me’, with particular attention to the Chilean dialect. Specifically, two diachronically linked values are distinguished: interruptive (the event occurs suddenly) and mirative (the speaker expresses surprise for a state of affairs). Besides, three kind of negation are distinguished: internal negative polarity (NIPN), as in llega y no paga ‘he goes and doesn´t pay’; external negative polarity (NEPN), as in no llego y acuso ‘I don’t go and V’, and emphatic expletive negation (NEE), as in ¡y no llega y le confiesa todo! ‘And he NEGexpl goes and confesses all’. From a descriptive point of view, we propose that, while interruptive CMVFC admit all of the three kinds of negation, mirative CMVFC reject NEPN and allow only NIPN and NEE. This distribution is accounted for by the configurational height (CP) at which the mirativity operator is projected, beyond the maximal scope, on the top of IP, that negation displays in Spanish and related languages. With respect to interruptive CMVFC, NEPN is analyzed as constituent negation on V1, which, instead of viewed as an auxiliary verb taking V2 as complement, merges as the specifier of an aspectual projection. The distribution of negation allows us to clarify, thus, the lack of formal cohesion that the members of a CMVFC exhibit, which favours the reanalysis of V1 as an invariable illocutionary marker in the CP zone, outside the strict verbal domain.
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