3.1. Representative grammars and languages

The eleven grammars, representing each major language described and each of the three centuries of Spanish missionary activities, have been grouped in a way that matches up with a periodization based on the stages of Spanish presence in both the Philippines and the Americas. Two periods⁷ can be identified: (a) discovery, exploration and conquest, and settlement, 16^th -18^th c., and (b) colonial stability (or stable coexistence), 19^th c. (Sueiro Justel 2002b).

The first group comprises six grammars originally written in the 17^th and 18^th centuries. Half of them were revised, or re-edited, in the late 19^th century.

The second group consists of five grammars originally printed toward the end of the 19^th century and at the dawn of the 20^th.

Filipino linguist Nelly Cubar (1974) created a comprehensive list of manuscripts on Philippine languages, prepared annotated bibliographies of the published ones, and included a list of such works which could be found in Philippine libraries. The grammars chosen for this study had been taken from her list and all sourced from the National Library of the Philippines located in Manila⁸. All nine major languages have one representative grammar, with an additional grammar each for Tagalog and Pampango. Six of the grammars were first published during the first period; three of which were re-edited during the second period, namely, Ilocano, Hiligaynon⁹, Cebuano; and five were originally published in the 19^th – 20^th century. Table 1 below gives more specific reasons why these grammars had been included in the study.

3.2. The missionary grammarians

Table 2 gives specific information about the grammarians based on the scant literature available offline and online. All of them were natives of Spain and, in addition to important administrative functions in their respective religious orders in the majority of cases, they were assigned parishes in Luzon and the Visayas to minister to. Those without administrative assignments were known to be men of impressive human talents. They belonged to three of the four major religious orders to which the entire Philippines was initially entrusted. Lastly, bibliographical references have been found indicating that three of these authors actually spent some time in Mexico before moving to the Philippines.

4.1. Internal structure

The table below reveals different correlations between the grammars’ edition dates, intended users (function), and their internal structure.

Based on this table, all published grammars, i.e., ten out of eleven, had preliminary pages which included prayers, dedication to the missionaries, user instructions, license and approval to print, etc. Almost half had appendices, a list of errata, or epilogues. Since the Pampango-Coronel grammar was either not intended or not prepared for publication, it had neither preliminary pages nor appendices. In terms of length, the grammar with the least number of pages is that of Waray; the longest is that of Tagalog-Coria, with 555 pages.

True to form, all the grammars, regardless of the edition year, were written for the grammarians’ confreres and other missionaries to facilitate their work. Eventually, toward the end of the colonial period, without setting the missionary agenda aside, the authors or editors of four of these grammars diversified their intended users to include lay people, i.e., non-missionaries such as students, teachers, and business people. Such grammars were either published for the first time in the second period (Tagalog-Coria and Bicol) or re-edited at the time (Ilocano and Hiligaynon) to accommodate the needs of the new users.

The first-period grammars had no standard way of dividing the grammars into predetermined or conventional sections. In its place was a conceptual grouping of lessons into arte and reglas for which a variety of labels had been substituted, e.g., libro [book], and parte [part], whose contents were, to a large extent, similar across the different grammars. Blancas de San José divides his grammar into two parts. He calls the first part Arte Tagala [literally, the Tagalog Art] in which he makes a formal and functional description of the parts of speech in six lessons: the declension, cases, and number of nouns; personal pronouns; demonstrative pronouns; the substantive verb sum es fui (i.e., the verb “to be”); and a general orientation about verbs and their different forms. The second part, the Libro de las Reglas [the Book of Rules], is made up of twenty chapters which contain instructions on using affixes and reduplicating syllables to create nouns, verbs, and adverbs. Specifically, the Libro de las Reglascovers the active verb forms (um and mag); the passive verb forms (y, yn, and an); the causative verb form facere facere; roots that begin with P; the different Tagalog affixes; syllable reduplication in nouns, verbs, and adverbs; numerals; and the particles may and wala (equivalent to English there is and its negation), ligatures, pronunciation, etc.

Developments in philosophies and styles of grammar writing had been occurring in Spain which extended to the archipelago such that the authors of the second-period grammars had become aware that they had to structure their work in a certain way, following certain standards. Three of the grammars that were either written or re-edited in the late 19^th century until the beginning of the 20^th made use of a predetermined four-part structure, which the Royal Spanish Academy had prescribed for formal grammars. Fr. Cipriano Marcilla, editor of the 1895 edition of López’s Ilocano grammar, divides the original two-part work into four parts or books that modern linguistics called for, asserting that the Royal Academy concludes its introduction to the (Spanish) grammar with the following words:

At this time, modern linguistics was already developing in full speed, and lay (Spanish) people had discovered a more secular use for the native languages. Regardless, it is clear that the presence of unique grammatical units, e.g., the root, affixes, and ligatures, shaped the configuration of these grammars as it did those belonging to the first group. Rationalist ideas, which influenced grammars written in Spain beginning the 16^th century and those of the archipelago that came after Blancas de San José’s Arte could be clearly seen manifested in the configuration of the missionary grammars. After teaching the composition of verbs and nouns, the grammarians would normally include preliminary explanations to explain unique items, e.g., the roots, affixes, or vowels and consonants not found in Spanish or Latin, and even at times establishing the languages’ phonological system. Méntrida’s grammar (1894=1617: VII-XI), for example, shows the equivalence of Spanish and Visayan sounds, including sounds that do not exist in one or the other. In addition, the grammars would include short treatises on figures of speech, poetry and meter, modes of counting, and translation, which correspond to the rationalist’s ordo naturalis as opposed to the humanist’s ordo grammaticalis (Sueiro Justel 2020: 830).

As to the standard or recurring grammar lessons, the following are identifiable across the grammars regardless of the period they belong to: pronunciation, the substantive verb “to be”, nouns and pronouns together with their cases and the corresponding markers for nouns, composition of verbs by affixation and reduplication of the syllables of root words, formation and use of active and passive verbs, ligatures to connect words into phrases, adjectives, adverbs, numerals.

4.2. Parts of speech

Table 4 below shows the basis of the grammars’ internal division (structure) and whether or not the inclusion of an inventory of the parts of speech was a function of their publication data.

It appears that the first grammarians never thought that making an exhaustive list of the different parts of speech, in the fashion of Antonio de Nebrija, was essential to their work of writing language-learning grammars. This was a significant deviation from Nebrija’s Gramática de la Lengua Castellana whose third book begins with a chapter called De las Diez Partes de la Oración que Tiene la Lengua Castellana [About the Ten Parts of Speech of the Castilian Language] where the author catalogs the ten parts of speech of Spanish (Quilis 1980: 163). Nevertheless, the grammarians began with the assumption of finding the eight classical parts of speech and along the way, the different sentence parts, which they adapted to the languages being described, are introduced together with descriptions of how they are formed¹² and used in sentences to construct meaningful utterances and enable the users to engage in productive discourse (cf. Sueiro Justel 2019b). This was the case of the first Tagalog grammar and the two grammars of Pampango. Even while Blancas de San José, Coronel, and Bergaño speak of and describe the structure and functions of the various parts of speech used in these two languages, they seemed unable to care less about giving a complete list. Note that Blancas de San José opens the Arte immediately with a description of properties, rather than a list and a formal definition. Below is an illustration.

Likewise Coronel (2005: 1) and Bergaño (1916: 5) begin their respective artes with a discussion on the unchanging noun forms notwithstanding changes in case and the articles that mark such changes. In the same league is Méntrida’s (1894=1617:1) Hiligaynon grammar, which opens the grammar with a discussion of the declension of proper nouns and the articles for indicating case. Similarly, nowhere in the grammar will one find adverbs, interjections, conjunctions, nouns, adjectives, verbs, and pronouns placed under one list. This grammar was originally published in the first period and re-edited in the second, but unlike the two other re-edited grammars, it did not adopt the Academy’s quadripartite structure.

Contrariwise, the authors of the re-edited grammars that followed the prescriptions of the Spanish Royal Academy, i.e., López and Encina, made it a point to enumerate the parts of speech before proceeding to any functional or structural descriptions and explanations. The editor of the grammar originally written by López gives the ten parts of speech of Ilocano and their formal definitions. In like manner, Encina (1885: 11) or the editor of the 1885 version, names eleven parts of speech, which include the ten from López’s grammar and an extra one, i.e., the linker or ligature. The Ilocano grammar opens the Parte Primera: Analogía [Part 1: Analogy] by defining analogy in general, followed by the parts of speech.

Among the grammars published originally in the second period, only Coria’s (1872: 30) Nueva Gramática, lists the parts of speech. This is not very surprising since, as noted earlier, it forms a group with López’s and Encina’s grammars for having followed the Spanish Royal Academy, which appears to have also required giving definitions for the parts of speech. Instead of an exhaustive list, second-period grammars, except Vera’s, give formal definitions of the parts of speech. Vera’s grammar can be exempted from this generalization since his grammar was intended for those who wanted to learn the language mainly for communication, which makes it similar to the older grammars with a purely missionary purpose.

To recapitulate, even if the grammars of the second group do not conform to the four-part division expected of a “modern” grammar, they at least observe the convention of defining the parts of speech. The grammars that belong to the first group, as a rule, neither provide a list nor give definitions except the two re-edited ones which give both, making them similar to the second-period grammars. As an illustration, below is the definition of adjectives found in the Waray grammar:

4.3. Pronunciation

Likewise, the description of vowels and consonants and stress patterns can be seen to have improved from the earliest grammars to the most modern ones. Toward the 19^th century, phonetics or the science of speech sounds and the contrastive approach in language description already appear to have considerably developed, and thus could serve as important instruments for language teaching and learning.

As it is in the previous features, our baseline data come from Blancas de San José (1610: 298-303), particularly from Chapter 20, Rule 4 of his Libro de las Reglas where he comments on certain letters (speech sounds) which differ in one way or another from those used in Spanish or Latin, or which do not exist in their inventory. In the same chapter, the grammarian talks about the stress patterns of Tagalog but apologizes for not having given concrete rules averring that he finds stating rules in writing extremely difficult because there are plenty of unfamiliar pronunciations. He declares:

The next grammarians succeeded in varying degrees in giving descriptions of vowels and consonants and in trying to formulate rules on stress patterns, using the terms and concepts they have gotten accustomed to when they studied Latin, Spanish, and most likely Tagalog. As could be expected, there is very little similarity in this regard among the different Philippine languages since speech sounds, in general, are the first and fastest to vary from one language or dialect to another. What is constant is the use of the terms penúltima producta and penúltima correpta, most probably coined by Blancas de San José, to refer to types of accents in the different languages.

Bergaño (1916: 218-220) meticulously describes three main accents used in Pampango. López (1895=1627: 283-307) devotes an entire section on prosody in which the speech sounds represented by the Ilocano alphabet are scientifically described. In this grammar, stress patterns are also discussed: there are two kinds of accents, i.e., radical and accidental (López 1895=1627: 312-314). The first refers to the accent that root words have before they are combined with affixes. The second refers to the accent after the roots combined with affixes. Prior to these two types, however, are the two basic accents, namely, (a) penúltima producta in which the penultimate vowel of the word is stressed and lengthened, and (b) penúltima correpta in which the last vowel is lengthened and stressed. Finally, specific rules governing accidental accents are given.

Encina’s grammar (1885: 12-15) includes instructions on how to articulate Cebuano vowels and consonants, with emphasis on their peculiarities. The section on prosody includes a discussion of word stress (Encina 1885: 15-16). Disyllabic words have three types of accent, namely, (a) accent on the final syllable, (b) accent on the first syllable, and (c) accent on both syllables, indicated by the circumflex accent. Another kind of accent is possible for two-syllable words, i.e., one that consists in slightly tightening up or holding one’s breath over the consonant that precedes the second vowel and releasing the vowel without affecting (or being assimilated by) the preceding consonant. On the other hand, trisyllable words have the stress on the penultimate syllable.

In the case of Hiligaynon, three types of stress are identified: breve (short), agudo (acute), and circunflejo (circumflex) (Méntrida 1894=1617: 3-4). A list of Hiligaynon consonants and vowels is given in the preliminary pages, each one with adequate descriptions of how they are pronounced (Méntrida 1894=1617: vii-xi). Later grammarians would be doing the same.

4.4. Syntax

This study will not be complete without including at least a short discussion on how syntax or sentence formation is treated in the different grammars. Without belaboring the topic either —since the discussion on verb formation above already constitutes a major part of grammar— the following general observations can still be stated.

The three grammars of Tagalog and Pampango, exemplars of the first-period grammars, do not include any separate section on syntax. What makes up for this absence is the preponderance of lessons on verb formation, which in the end implicates whole sentence construction. Incidentally they touch upon important topics¹⁹ like topicalization or focus²⁰, using the system of cases for nouns and pronouns, as mentioned in the discussion on the passive verb above. Another aspect that the grammarians deal with is the use of connectors, i.e., conjunctions and ligatures or linkers²¹, such as a, ng, na in masanting a tavo [a good-looking man] in Pampango.

All the re-edited grammars, i.e., Ilocano, Cebuano, and Hiligaynon, make a formal and separate treatment of syntax, which is classified as either figurative or regular. Regular syntax deals with the rules of agreement, government, and construction. Figurative syntax, on the other hand, is all about the different figures of speech that allow violations of the rules imposed by regular syntax to attain greater sentence strength and elegance. The grammars of the second period talk about the same morphosyntactic elements found in the grammars of the first period, with the difference that the former have a more formal, even separate, treatment of syntax albeit only Coria calls it overtly as syntax. Like what happens in the re-edited grammars, construction, government, and agreement are taken up, and the difference between regular and figurative syntax is also mentioned and illustrated. Sueiro Justel (2020: 831) points out the rationalist tendency of providing explanations in the grammarians’ treatment of morphology as part of syntax, i.e., the study of morphology as a function of syntax, and of grammar itself as an instrument to teach how to construct correct sentences.

5.1. Motivation and purpose

The 1582 Synod of Manila gave a strong impetus to the writing of native language grammars as the Synod fathers decided that the natives were going to be evangelized in their languages. Notwithstanding the added business or educational purposes which the grammars eventually took on, this missionary motivation remained strong until the end of Spanish presence in the country.

The specific purpose of the grammars was to teach the native languages to the missionaries in order to produce bilinguals capable of communicating the most sublime theological concepts in the languages of the natives, i.e., the grammars were intended to be essentially pedagogical and to ensure a steady supply of adult bilinguals as evangelization work progressed. With this end clear in their minds, the grammarians conceived of the structure and planned the lessons based on what was practicable, useful, and beautiful, while giving careful attention to the peculiarities of the languages. During the second period, when enough knowledge about the native languages had been collectively attained, the grammars became more explicit in teaching the complete set of language skills, i.e., listening, speaking, reading, and writing, and not just the most basic ones —a clear manifestation of the changing concept and functions of the grammars throughout the period parallel to the developments that were taking place in Spain.

Meanwhile, a non-ecclesiastical authority, the Royal Spanish Academy²², began formulating rules for spelling, writing grammars and dictionaries, etc. The re-edited Ilocano, Hiligaynon, and Cebuano grammars followed the prescriptions of the Academy, albeit not completely, in what referred to their internal structure. Accordingly, a grammar should consist of four parts, i.e., analogy, syntax, prosody, and orthography, which corresponded to the four ends of Grammar, i.e., knowledge, order, pronunciation, and correct writing, respectively. By this time, while evangelization was still the primary reason for writing grammars, it was no longer its one and only purpose. New grammars were written and old ones were reedited because of an expanded functionality or user base: they were also needed by foreign scholars, local teachers and young students, and lay Spaniards who came to the territory for commercial and other purposes. This new interest in learning the vernaculars on the part of the civilians was brought about in part by the economic boom experienced in the colony and the substantial improvements in maritime travel attained at the time (Sueiro Justel 2002a).

With this expansion in scope and a more systematic treatment of the lessons, the formal grammars of Philippine languages, written by Filipinos in the early 20^th century, naturally emerged. An example of such a grammar is Mamerto Paglinawan’s BalarilangTagalog [Tagalog Grammar], which was first published in 1910, with the following parts: (1) Pagbigkás ó Prosodia [prosody] (2) Pagkilala ó Analogía [analogy], (3) Paglalakip ó Sintaxis [syntax], and (4) Pagsulat ó Ortografía [ortography]. Another example is Lope K. Santos’ Balarila ng Wikang Pambansa [Grammar of the National Language] published in 1939, with the following parts: (1) Palásurian [analogy], (2) Paláugnayan [syntax], (3) Palábigkasan [prosody], and (4) Palátitikan [orthography].

5.2. The contrastive method

As mentioned, the Spanish grammarians were not exactly attempting a herculean feat since they all came equipped with their knowledge of Latin and Spanish, not to mention the information and skills that they gathered from the Mexican experience and their long tradition of learning a second language. They had had very good previous training in the formal grammar of Latin and presumably Spanish as well. Given their context, the grammarians approached the languages using what later on would be more commonly referred to as the contrastive²³ method. The starting point for their analysis and description was their knowledge of the Romance languages, together with their respective grammars. They looked for direct equivalents of what they found in the native languages in those they were familiar with and when no direct counterparts were available, they used substitutes. When neither equivalents nor substitutes could be found, the grammarians embarked on their original description, or improved the analysis made by previous grammarians, by using classical categories and terminology. Whenever this was resorted to, they pointed out the novelty of the phenomenon.

The missionaries’ knowledge of Latin and Spanish enabled them to see the big difference which existed between these two, on the one hand, and the native languages, on the other. Thus, they were cautious not to apply what they knew lock, stock, and barrel. In other words, no rule imposition had occurred in the process of analyzing the languages. One important reason why such imposition did not happen was the awareness that the languages being compared, i.e., Latin and Spanish on the one hand and the Philippine languages on the other, were typologically distinct from one another.

5.3. A common family

Between 1778 and 1787, Spanish Jesuit and renowned philologist, Lorenzo Hervás y Panduro (1735-1809), published the encyclopedic work Idea dell’ Universo. Among the important contributions of this work is the determination of kinship or affinity relationships existing among languages of the world, including those of the Philippines and group them in families (Fuertes Gutiérrez 2004). However, based on observed similarities, there already was a firm consciousness among the missionary grammarians that these native languages were typologically interrelated (García-Medall 2007). Thus, they realized early on that rules formulated for one language were generalizable or applicable to others, mutatis mutandis. Occasionally, the grammarians were more explicit in saying that these languages were related to each other. For instance, the section on syntax of the Ilocano grammar declares the following in its prefatory notes:

Bergaño, on the other hand, had this to say in his introduction to the affix pa- where he states that the ff can be found in other native languages:

This also explains why there are repetitive chapters and sections, not only in terms of titles but, more significantly, contents, e.g., the search for the substitutes for the substantive verb, the Latin verses that state the usage of the three types of passive, the facere facere, and many others. Ridruejo (2001), as cited in García-Medall (2009), said that the missionaries, regardless of their religious order, were aware that these native languages were typologically similar and that each one knew of the grammars written by the others, especially those who came before them. As a result, there was a high degree of uniformity in the general structure of the grammars, the metalanguage used, and the examples they chose.